Rev. Danny Fisher

This from the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama:

(Translated from the Tibetan original)

I extend my greetings to the Chair of this conference, the organizers, the delegates who have come from many different places, and guests. I would specially like to commend the International Fellowship of Reconciliation and the Swiss Tibetan Friendship Association for organizing this wide-ranging conference of Chinese and Tibetans.

For over a thousand years, the Tibetan and Chinese people have co-existed as friendly and harmonious neighbors with mutually enriching relations in the social and economic fields as well as in religion and culture. Occasionally, there were times when we fought each other. However, for the most part, relations between Tibetan and Chinese peoples were peaceful. Since Buddhism flourished in China before Tibet, Tibetan Buddhists accord Chinese Buddhists the respect and deference due to senior spiritual brothers and sisters.

Just as the rest of the world witnessed tumultuous developments in the twentieth century, China, too, experienced dramatic changes. Soon after the Communist Party took over China in 1949, the People’s Liberation Army entered Tibet, forcefully defeating the small and ill-equipped Tibetan army in Chamdo. In 1951, the 17-Point Agreement was signed under duress and all of Tibet was incorporated into the People’s Republic of China.

Despite all our sincere efforts to abide by the 17-Point Agreement, eventually (in 1959) I, along with my Cabinet, had to go into exile with around 80,000 Tibetans (both lay and the clergy) who were able to follow us. Soon after arriving in exile we began intensive and in-depth discussions on resolving the Tibetan problem through contact and discussions with the Chinese authorities. As a result, around 1974 we adopted the Middle Way Approach. The guiding spirit of the Middle Way Approach is the pursuit of a mutually acceptable and mutually beneficial solution through negotiations, in the spirit of reconciliation and compromise. We resolved not to seek the separation and independence of Tibet but to strive for a solution within the framework of the PRC. Thus, in 1979 when the late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping signaled willingness for contact and discussion, we were fully prepared to respond positively. On establishing direct contact we sent delegations on fact-finding missions and for exploratory talks – altogether numbering 20 delegations. However, sadly there was no concrete outcome. Moreover, all direct contact ceased in 1993. As a result there were an increasing number of people in the Tibetan community in exile who did not agree with the Middle Way Approach.

Against this background, in 1997 we conducted an opinion poll among Tibetans in exile in which more than 64 per cent supported continuation of the Middle Way Approach. Consequently, we worked to re-establish contact with the Chinese Central Government and succeeded in doing so in 2002. Since then my envoys have so far had eight formal rounds of discussions with the concerned leaders of the Chinese Government and one informal meeting. Unfortunately, on account of a lack of political will on the part of the Chinese Central Government to address the issue of Tibet in a sincere and realistic way, the talks did not yield any tangible results. Moreover, the situation inside Tibet has worsened dramatically since the crisis in Tibet of March last year. Beijing has labeled those who peacefully demonstrated their dissatisfaction with policies towards minority nationalities, particularly Tibetans, as being anti-Chinese, thus fanning racial antagonism and hatred between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. This is a most irresponsible policy. It has resulted in baseless suspicion and distrust between the two communities. I am deeply saddened and concerned about this development.

Fortunately, many Chinese intellectuals have not succumbed to the propaganda of the Central Government. They have made the effort to understand the issue objectively. Thus, based on their own observations and findings, they have displayed sympathy and support for the Tibetan people in many articles. This is a source of great encouragement to the Tibetan people and triumph of truth.

My envoys have clearly conveyed both in writing and verbally, to the Central Government the essence of my Middle Way Approach that seeks a solution to the Tibetan problem within the framework of the People’s Republic of China and in accordance with the principles of its Constitution. The Constitution provides regional self-rule for minority nationalities. During the eighth round of talks last year, my envoys presented the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People. Based on provisions in the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China and the Law on Regional National Autonomy, this Memorandum explains in detail how the Tibetan people could exercise meaningful national regional autonomy. However, to our great disappointment our initiative was unabashedly labeled as disguised independence or a demand for semi-independence, and our Memorandum was categorically rejected and no effort was made to present a counter-proposal. As a result today, my faith in the good will of the present Chinese leadership is shaken.

In view of this sad state of affairs, I called a Special General Meeting of the Tibetan people. Last November around 600 delegates representing all Tibetans in exile gathered in Dharamsala for a six-day conference. The meeting discussed at length the situation inside Tibet and developments in China as well as the future course of the Tibetan freedom struggle. It also considered whatever views we were able to gather from a cross-section of Tibetans inside Tibet. Similarly, a special meeting was held by the Tibet Support Groups from all over the world.

In both meetings, even though there were strong voices calling for a change of the Middle Way Approach and an end to our contact with the present Chinese government, most of the participants endorsed continuation of the Middle Way Approach as well as the Tibetan-Chinese dialogue process. With this public affirmation of our Middle Way Approach, we stand ready to engage in earnest and sincere discussions as soon as there is a clear signal from Beijing that the Central Government is willing to address the real issues facing the six million Tibetans inside Tibet.

I have two appeals to our Chinese brothers and sisters who are participating in this conference. First, I seek your advice and frank opinions on what steps to take in future to solve the Tibetan problem. Secondly, I request your help in carrying a message to the Chinese people that we Tibetans harbor no hatred against our Chinese brothers and sisters, and that we Tibetans are neither anti-Chinese nor anti-China. I seek your help and cooperation in preventing the issue of Tibet being turned into an issue of racial prejudice and antagonism between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.

I would like to conclude by expressing my gratitude to all participants who have come from distant places, as well as to the organizers. I pray that this conference will mark an important step towards a common future based on genuine trust, friendship, mutual respect and benefit.

Dalai Lama

August 6, 2009

[Image via Voice of America. "Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama arrives at Lausanne's Malley ice stadium for a spiritual event, Switzerland, 05 Aug 2009."]

This from the U.S. Campaign for Burma:

PRESS RELEASE:

August 5th, 2008

Verdict Due: World’s Only Imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize Recipient to be Sentenced In Six Days

Desmond Tutu Calls for UN Security Council to Take Action

Contact: Jeremy Woodrum (202) 246-7924

(Washington, DC) On Tuesday, August 11th, Burma’s military regime will issue a verdict against the leader of the Southeast Asian country’s democracy movement, Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi.

If the military regime continues to keep her locked behind bars, it is likely that focus will shift to the United Nations Security Council, where Burma remains on the permanent agenda.

Human rights groups throughout the world are pressing for the Council to adopt a global arms embargo on the military regime, as well as an official investigation into crimes against humanity committed under miltary rule.

“Many world leaders have called for change in Burma, but now it is time to go beyond words and take concrete action at the UN Security Council,” said Aung Din, Executive Director of the U.S. Campaign for Burma. “The world has many options, and with the United Kingdom and United States serving as President of the Security Council in August and September, there is an unparalleled opportunity for action.”

South Africa’s Nobel Peace Prize recipient Desmond Tutu called for specific measures by the UN Security Council in a recent opinion piece in the United Kingdom’s Guardian newspaper, writing that

“Burma’s generals are criminals, and must be treated as such. Than Shwe should be held accountable for abominable atrocities: his soldiers rape ethnic women and children, they torture, mutilate and murder at will. In eastern Burma, more than 3,300 ethnic villages have been destroyed, more than in Darfur. Civilians are deliberately targeted and shot on sight. The UN must establish a commission of inquiry, with a view to compiling evidence for prosecution. Failure to do so amounts to complicity with these crimes.”

Suu Kyi was put on trial after an American man, John Yettaw, swam across the lake behind her home and broke in her house, where she was being held under house arrest for the past 6 years. Yettaw said he had a “vision” that Suu Kyi would be assassinated and wanted to warn her. Even though she asked Yettaw to leave, the Burmese regime has ridiculously blamed Suu Kyi for the man breaking into her home, and charged her with breaking the terms of her house arrest.

Suu Kyi narrowly survived an assassination attempt by the military regime in May 2003, when dozens of her party members were beaten to death by regime thugs.

Under the Burmese military regime’s interpretation of its own laws, Suu Kyi’s house arrest was coming to an end this year, and while most international observers believe the regime was not going to release her anyway, the break-in by Yettaw provided the regime the pretext it sought to keep her locked up.

Suu Kyi’s ongoing house arrest had already been ruled illegal under both Burmese and international law by the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has called the trial “outrageous”.

Burma’s military regime has just completed a new constitution that guarantees military rule for decades to come, but also allows an extremely circumscribed election to be held in 2010. It is believed that even though the military will maintain complete control after the election, the regime wants to stop Suu Kyi from supporting any candidates. The constitution was written to bar her from running for office, with a clause preventing anyone who has children living abroad from participation (Suu Kyi’s children live overseas).

Suu Kyi was originally due to be sentenced on Friday, July 31st but the military regime moved the date, it is believed, in part to diminish international media coverage of the sentence. At the same time, the military regime often chooses dates which are considered to be “lucky” for the head of the regime, Than Shwe, which includes the number 11. Thus, the date August 11th is relevant. In a recent example of the use of numbers, the regime sentenced leading dissident Min Ko Naing on November 11th, 2007 with a sentence of 65 years (6 + 5 = 11). The military regime also used the number 11 in its choice of dates to move its capitol city from Rangoon to Naypitaw in 2005, with the Washington Times reporting the move commenced on “November 11th, 2005, at 11 a.m. in 1,100 trucks carrying 11 government ministries”.

“While the military regime may use numerology to choose dates for major decisions, there is no evidence to suggest that the underlying decisions themselves are influenced by numerology or superstition,” said Aung Din. “Than Shwe’s military regime has acted with cold, calculated brutality in attempting to crush Burma’s democracy movement,” which is comprised of students, Buddhist monks, and members of Suu Kyi’s political party the National League for Democracy, added Aung Din.

Aung San Suu Kyi has spent nearly 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest and in prison. Most Burmese people see her in a similar vein as South African’s view Nelson Mandela, as the rightful leader and moral compass of the nation. Yet, she is not just an admired human rights leader, she is the rightful leader of Burma. In 1990, she led a political party, the National League for Democracy, to win 82% of the seats in parliament during Burma’s first election in decades. Military affiliated parties won only 10 seats in parliament, a stunning rebuke to military rule.

Suu Kyi was incarcerated before the election, but her party still coasted to a landslide victory. The Burmese regime refused to recognize the election results, locking up members of parliament and imprisoning (currently) over 2,100 political prisoners.

Suu Kyi counts among her supporters numerous Nobel Peace Prize recipients, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, Hollywood actors Anjelica Huston, Jim Carrey, Eric Szmanda, Walter Koenig, and Maggie Q, musicians Ani DiFranco, Damien Rice, R.E.M., and U2, and over 100 former presidents and prime ministers throughout the world.

Her writing has invigorated a vibrant international movement calling for change in Burma, and sustained an active democracy movement inside Burma, despite overwhelming government pressure.

In July, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon traveled to Burma to seek the release of Suu Kyi, but in a major snub Than Shwe refused to allow him to meet the Nobel laureate.

There is ample evidence for action on Burma at the Security Council. A recent report by Harvard Law School’s International Human Rights Law Clinic found that the United Nations is sitting on evidence showing that the military regime has carried out serious crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma, including the destruction of as many villages as in the Darfur region of Sudan.

At the same time, the regime has recruited tens of thousands of child soldiers, forced 1.5 million people to flee their homes as refugees and internally displaced, and carried out a widespread campaign of rape against ethnic minority women under a system of impunity. 55 members of the U.S. Congress, led by Congressmen Joe Crowley (D-NY) and Don Manzullo (R-IL) recently sent a letter to President Obama urging him to pursue an official investigation into Burma by the UN Security Council — the first step toward the creation of an international criminal tribunal or a referral to the International Criminal Court that would try military leaders for crimes against humanity. U.K. Ambassador John Sawers serves as President of the UN Security Council in August. U.S. Ambassador Susan Rice holds the same position in September.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Image via the Guardian.
[This post has been updated as of 5:50 p.m. PST on 8.7.09.]

Here’s today’s Burma-related news:

[This post has been updated as of 5:45 p.m. EST on 8.7.09.]

Here’s the latest Tibet-relevant news:

This via Shambhala Sun Space: CNN is reporting that Beastie Boy and Tibet activist Adam Yauch is out of cancer surgery and “faring well.” All the best to you, MCA!

Here’s Jay-Z with a musical tribute to Yauch: